Baba Phuntsok Wangal, popularly called Phunwang, was a life-long Tibetan communist, who had unfailing faith in the goodness of socialism. He was also a controversial figure, who guided the Eighteenth Army of the Chinese People's Liberation Army into Tibet, which ultimately helped complete China's occupation of Tibet and the flight of His Holiness the Dalai Lama into exile.
However, at the age of thirty-eight, the Communist Party of China put him behind bars and when released, he was an old man of fifty-six. Baba's enduring legacy may be his writings, which have profound historical values and provide great insights into China's Tibet policy and its failures.
Following is the second of the five letters that Baba Phuntsok Wangyal wrote to Hu Jintao, the then Chinese president. These letters were translated by Tenzin Losel, Bhuchung D. Sonam, Jane Perkins and Tenzin Tsundue, and published in a book titled Witness to Tibet's History.
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Respected General-Secretary Hu Jintao
My greetings!
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| Published by Paljor Publications, 2007 |
On October 29 last
year I presented a long letter to you and the leaders of the NPC Standing
below:
1 The letter I presented to General-Secretary
Hu Jintao and to the NPC Standing Committee is in line with the spirit of the
Central Government’s initiatives to build a harmonious and stable socialist
society, which can be proven by the entire contents of that letter, and so it
is needless to restate this.
2 The
key concern in the overall question is: Whether or not it is good for the
religious leaders of Tibetan Buddhism __
with the Dalai Lama as the core __ and the exile Tibetan Government, including
around 10,000 Tibetan compatriots, to return to the nation or remain abroad.
Strategically this is a question which needs to be carefully considered and
deliberately decided. It is necessary to understand that those Western
anti-China elements are trying to ensure that they [the Dalai Lama and his
exile Tibetan Government] remain abroad, so as to keep on playing the “Tibet
card” for the sake of their own interests. Therefore, keeping them abroad is
politically short-sighted and irresponsible in terms of history __ creating endless troubles in the
future. On the contrary, striving for the Dalai Lama’s return to the nation will
transform passivity to activity, antagonism to harmony. The continuation and
furtherance of foreign and domestic policy __ namely the policy towards
overseas Tibetan compatriots __ should lay stress on the Central Government’s
advocacy of “harmony and stability”. For
over a thousand years intangibility has exceeded tangibility in the spiritual
sphere of the day-to-day life of devoted Tibetan Buddhists; whether or not the
hearts of the people are peaceful and stable cannot be ignored and
underestimated, especially the general wishes of the people __ the most
important factor which can play a decisive role at a very critical moment.
Therefore, [we] must channel our actions according to the situation and avoid
being at a disadvantage.
3 Forgive
my being straightforward. The comments made by the leaders of the United Front
Department __ let’s not talk about other things __ merely concerning the basic
spirit of the Central Government’s initiatives to build a “harmonious and
stable” socialist society, they are not in conformity with this. The Central Government
emphasises the importance of “friendship” as the national policy. We can take
an example from the policy towards Taiwan __ under the premise of One China
_ which never censures past mistakes.
Nevertheless, the United Front Department, in line with the “leftist struggle”,
has stressed too much on the “Tibet issue”, with “peace” on one side and
“struggle” on the other. It even adopts “delaying tactics” to play for time
with the Dalai Lama, waiting until his death. This is apparently a continuation
of the wrong-thinking “leftist” line over nationality and religious work __
especially on the “Tibet issue”. Everybody is aware that this wrong line of
“leftism” has brought disastrous consequences to the Party, the nation and the
people. That is why it has been negated by Party decision-making.
4
Unquestionably, I myself and many others who understand
the facts are extremely dissatisfied with this wrong-thinking line of “leftism”
and the mistakes made by it. Let’s just forget other things, merely as far as
the above-mentioned matters are concerned, people make various comments, such
as: Ignoring good advice, they landed themselves in the trouble of “two
Panchens” today; the two great Buddhist leaders whom the Central Government
used to care about, and who attract world attention __ the Seventeenth Karmapa
and Agya Rinpoche, the abbot of Kumbum Monastery __ were also forced to flee
overseas; playing for time, and intending to produce “two Dalais”, will create greater trouble in the future at
home and abroad. However, the question of the Dalai Lama’s health, and how long
he will live, will not be decided according to the timetable of others. And
regarding such questions, people have further comments, such as: The Karmapa is
likely to be the successor to the Dalai Lama after his passing, in case of a
period of vacuum of leadership. Although all the heads of Tibetan Buddhism,
from the Gelug, Nyingma, Sakya, Kagyud and Bonpo, have fled abroad one after
another, they are still the inheritors of the Buddhist doctrines and are
playing an important role, directly and indirectly. Of course, those mistakes
are not related to the leaders from the United Front Department. The question
is related to the [Party] Line, not to the individuals. Therefore, in order to
improve and intensify the friendly relations between brotherly nationalities
such as the Han and Tibetans __ and for the prosperity and stability of the
nation and the people __ this residual “leftist” line should not be continued;
it is time to bring it to an end.
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| Baba Phunwang (standing right) when Tibetan delegates signed the '17-point Agreement' under duress. Baba was the Chinese official translator. |
5
The letter I presented to the Central Government is
concerned with the entire Tibetan nationality and peace and stability across
the Tibetan regions in the Land of Snow, which occupies a quarter of the total
area of the nation, and is related to a
far-sighted, longterm strategic policy that needs to be sensibly considered and
carefully decided, rather than being a question of seeking advice on current
policy and concrete matters. Some people who are responsible for the relevant
departments, who ignore the actual situation and don’t care about the wishes of
the masses, will not think deeply about their attitudes and words; they will
not even undergo self-censure. Therefore, I sincerely request the NPC Party
Group to report this to the Central Government __ headed by General-Secretary
Hu Jintao __ to be handed over to the Central Institute of Political Research
with a written instruction. And with an attitude of Seeking Truth From Facts,
objectively and without prejudice, make practical suggestions. All the decisions
are up the Central Government.
With regard to the comments made by the United Front Department, besides
the general tone that they adopted, [they] strayed from the point when
mentioning my “talk” with Li Weihan in 1982, and criticised me for adhering to
the so-called “consistently incorrect point of view”, my view on “the greater
Tibetan regions”. But that was actually a plot attributed to Old Li by some
specific leaders who had me sent to prison for 18 years and have never admitted
their mistakes. Old Li, aged 86, is now in hospital; those people have not even
seen his articles, so what is the value of their comments? I wrote a letter of
20,000 characters to the leaders of the Central Government, and particularly
wrote a letter to comrade Deng Xiaoping and General-Secretary Hu Yaobang
appealing to the Central Government to form a study team to clarify the
arguments on the theoretical principles of nationality. Fortunately, after the
Central Government looked into this their summing up was that “according to the
regulations of the Party it is permitted to hold different points of view”, and
the case was held over indefinitely, with some statements made by comrade Zhong
Xun. Therefore, after 23 years, referring to the talk with Old Li is unnecessary
and of no significance.
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| Published by Khawa Karpo Tibetan Culture Centre, Dharamsala, 2013 |
6
As early as the 1940s I was the main person responsible
for all kinds of revolutionary activities of the nationality democratic
movements, and in 1951 I was the only Tibetan among the members of the Party
Committee for the PLA’s Lhasa advance troop and of the CCP Tibet Work Committee
during the ‘50s. For the sake of the Party, the people and history, and
following the principle of being a communist who must be open and above-board,
and must not hide any opinions, I present this letter to the leaders of the
Central Party, and send it to some Tibetan comrades for reference. [I] believe
that this letter has fully reflected the expectations and wishes of ordinary
Tibetans on the restoration of relations between the Central Government and the
Dalai Lama. Many Tibetan comrades have directly or indirectly expressed their
agreement to my views. “Bitter medicine is good for ailments, good advice is
unpleasant to the ears”. My letter cannot be supposed to be good medicine, but
having a clear conscience __ and from the bottom of my heart __ I sincerely
stated the views that people feel uncomfortable to talk about, dare not talk
about to protect themselves, and the questions that are sensitive to some
people. Whether or not the views will be adopted is entirely up to the Central
Government’s decision-making. As an
individual I am powerless. But time will prove all and history will make a fair
evaluation.
Comrade Hu Jintao, I
completely understand that the leaders of the CCP Standing Committee, headed by
you, are deeply occupied with affairs of state. Nevertheless, the question of
the Tibet issue of today is the most important of all our nation’s nationality
works. Though I am in sound health, clear-minded, and able to write and give lectures,
time does not spare people. I am now 83-years-old and have no ambition for fame
and repute. I have spoken the truth from facts, and this is all purely in the
interests of the state and nationalities. Looking forward to understanding if
there is anything inappropriate herein.
With regards
Phuntsok Wangyal (Phunwang)
April 12, 2005
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